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Only because men are unable to act steadfastly in their real interests, is it necessary. In the Essay of the Origin of Government Hume represents the costs of magistracy in terms of a perpetual intestine struggle…between AUTHORITY and LIBERTY;… A great sacrifice of liberty must necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any constitution, to become quite entire and uncontroulable. Absolute authority, a Hobbist authority, would be purchased at too great cost; men can secure the benefit of a settled distinction of possessions without subjecting themselves to a ruler able to override all such distinctions at mere pleasure.
That is, each prefers personal nonconformity in the absence of general conformity. But also, each prefers to row if the other rows. ) Thus each prefers to row if and only if the other rows. Personal conformity to the convention of rowing is each person’s most preferred response to conformity by the other, and each person’s least preferred response to nonconformity. To the extent to which R is not seriously dispreferred to any alternative regularity R• for behaviour in S by persons P, R is a dominant convention in S.
This doctrine may be viewed as an ancestor of the position that only democratic government is legitimate, since it alone rests on explicit consent. The practice of the world has in some ways come closer to embracing explicit contractarianism since Hume’s time. 15 One might at least question whether the ideals of explicit contractarianism are better realised by liberal democrats in the twentieth century than by eighteenth century Whigs. ’ This claim may seem to pose an immediate challenge to a contractarian interpretation of Hume’s theory of property and justice.